Ever notice how we treat history as if it is a disconnected chain of events? Sounds like a contradiction in terms, but historical novelist David Tory’s description is undeniable:
All Americans know that the English landed in Jamestown and Plymouth to form colonies, that a revolution gained American independence, that a Civil War ended in some mess called Reconstruction, and then World War I was followed by World War II. Few of us ever account for more than a century between the first two, and another three-quarters before the third. The last two items skip, respectively, just a half- and less than a quarter-century, so at least we’re getting closer.
Could probably go on, but I’d rather not think of anything that happened in my lifetime as history. No matter, as Tory sure gave us enough to make the point: Americans know what the highlights are, but have no idea how we went from one to the next.
That, folks, may sum up the core of today’s heated debates over the teaching of American history in public schools. There’s a reason that the Labor Movement is never included in history texts, and why the Great Depression and the New Deal are downplayed. And a reason why there’s not a single monument to the Mexican War in Washington DC–and why we so often hear “Remember the Alamo,” but never hear Pres. US Grant’s admission that it was a land-grab–in his phrase, “a wicked war.”
Today’s razor wire fences in the Rio Grande would be hard to justify if the full story of westward expansion were known. Better to think we were offering Christianity and a better way of life from sea to gilded sea. Sounds crazy? How much different is it from Florida schools now teaching that slavery was beneficial to kidnapped Africans forced to work on plantations because it taught them basic employment skills?
A useful example occurred during Washington’s years as president. No, I wasn’t there, but I read more than one account of how Washington and his Secretary of War (now Defense) Henry Knox sent troops to the frontier which, at that time, was Ohio and Kentucky. As we all know, white settlers fought with tribes, and as we are all led to believe, tribes were nomadic, and whites created peaceful settlements that the tribes invaded. So, of course, the US Army rode in.
In fact, the troops sent by Washington were not to protect settlers against the tribes, but to protect the tribes from the settlers–or at least to stop the settlers from encroaching on tribal land. Washington and Knox were intent on honoring treaties they themselves signed, but settlers kept wanting more. Once Washington and Knox were gone, Adams and Jefferson may not have felt the same commitment, and/or their attention was drained by the on-going intrigues of England and France on the other side of the Atlantic.
By 1803, Jefferson could buy a territory called Louisiana that extended from the Gulf of Mexico to the Canadian border between places now called Minnesota and Idaho. That, in turn, sent an avalanche of settlers southwest, and friction with Mexico was inevitable. Pres. Polk’s claim of “American blood on American soil” served as a pretext to make an invasion seem like self-protection–not to mention as a model for the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution and “weapons of mass destruction” over a century later.
To borrow Tory’s logic, this is a missing link from the well-worn narrative that happily takes American school children from Thanksgiving to Manifest Destiny, a term that implies divine approval. Take it a step further, and it reveals that the “destiny” was not at all “manifest” if the very “Father of Our Country” wanted to put the brakes on it. But the term does suit the insistence of many today who prefer to believe that taking everything save a few reservations was right and just–or, in one impossibly euphemistic word, patriotic.
As we often hear, they were nomads not using the land anyway. Turns out that statement was not entirely true, as many tribes had settlements to which “hunters and gatherers,” as we like to call them, returned for months at a time. That “nomadic” designation for Native Americans is equivalent to the claim that enslaved Africans “were very well treated by plantation owners.”
Tory noted that the first ships that landed in Jamestown and Plymouth and elsewhere in the New World returned to England with Natives whom they taught to speak English and return to serve as negotiators for their settlements with the tribes. This suggests, in Tory’s phrase, that the English–at least the landowners and merchants who remained in England–were “paving the way” for peaceful co-existence and a healthy relationship between trading partners.
This squares with the treaties signed by Washington and Knox and their futile attempts to honor them a century-and-a-half later. Just six years after Washington left office, Jefferson’s Louisiana Purchase made our destiny, divine or not, manifest.
Like so many large segments on the timeline of American history, these are the lines, curved as they may be, of connection between the highlights–highlights that, taken out of context, are easily and deliberately distorted.
Because they all involve the history of minorities, of labor, of expansion–to the Mississippi, across the Prairie, to California, and all the way to the Philippines–they are stories that many of us would rather not know.
Of course, no one can admit that, and so people hide behind a claim that it makes their children “uncomfortable.” All while they accuse those who want America’s full story taught as being “Woke.” Not to mention that they cancel history while accusing others of “Cancel Culture.” What they want is not history. It is therapy.
Now there’s your contradiction in terms.
-30-

https://lewebpedagogique.com/mindthegap/2023/11/17/2-paintings-on-manifest-destiny/





































