Open to the public, the Newburyport Youth Services’ event aimed mostly at parents and teachers of elementary and high-school students, offering guidance on “how to talk to young children about race and racism.”
A hot topic even in this liberal bastion in the People’s Republic of Massachusetts. As soon as it was announced, an indignant letter to the City Council fretted over accusations of “White Supremacy” while invoking the phantom boogeyman, “Critical Race Theory.”
Days later, the executive director of the Greater Newburyport YWCA responded with calm reason to allay all fears–“no blame, no shame,” as the speaker herself would emphasize at the start of her talk.
What caught my attention was the invitation in the second letter to the writer of the first: “We would encourage you to come… [and] learn more about systemic racism and its impact on our young people and our social structures.”
Never a fan of what most folk call “fireworks,” I nevertheless skipped a Bruins game on the chance of seeing a local version of Smith vs. Rock.
There were barely 30 of us in attendance, all of us White, including the guest speaker. Skeptics might balk at the idea of a White person holding a seminar on race, but there are lately many Blacks urging us to do exactly that.
Locally, we heard historian Edward Carson of the Governor’s Academy conclude his William Lloyd Garrison Lecture a few months ago telling a largely White audience that we must do it ourselves. Nationally, Eddie Glaude, a frequent guest on MSNBC and CNN, made it a point of his most recent book, Begin Again: James Baldwin’s America and Its Lessons for Our Own.
Baldwin himself made the point sixty years ago in The Fire Next Time.
No surprise then that the talk would open with a first-person account of growing up in the rich, lily-white town of Winchester, Mass. Whites were all she knew–and all she saw even when she looked at TV or into magazines.
In books, she would read stories about Africa or about the American West before Manifest Destiny. In both places, the natives were “savages,” and there was nothing to counter the imposed stereotype. Indeed, it was God’s manifest will–symbolized by such inspirational images as an oversized angel clad in white flying over the wagon train–that Whites were destined to bring Christianity to all dark corners of the world.
Or by the five smiling faces on a poster for Father Knows Best in which father pointlessly holds a telephone–unless the point is to imply his control or exclusive connection to the business world. Even the phone and its spiral chord are gleaming white.
Most enlightening was Debby Irving’s analysis of the GI Bill. A feature of FDR’s New Deal, it has long been credited with creating the middle class, enabling returning vets to attend college, gain business loans, and buy homes.
We all knew that much. And we all knew that a real-estate practice called “red-lining” kept certain neighborhoods exclusively White. But new to me and most everyone present was that red-lining prevented Black GIs from the benefits of the GI Bill because they lived in places that had been red-lined. Banks weren’t about to send any money there.
Irving put the photo of lovely Winchester back on the screen and doubted that her parents ever knew that while they could live there, others were, by design, excluded.
Black businesses? Those, too, were red-lined unless you go back over a century to Tulsa, Oklahoma, where a district known as Black Wall Street thrived for a few decades. But make sure you arrive before 1921 when it was wiped out by a mob of jealous Whites whipped into a frenzy by a false accusation against a Black youth by a White woman.
The two-day massacre killed an estimated 300 Blacks and destroyed 35 city blocks which included 191 businesses as well as hotels, schools, and residences. Police could not locate the perpetrators, not even the owners of the private planes used to drop explosive devices.
For all that, the most stunning line in Irving’s talk is when she pauses to say that she just learned of this a few years ago. If that’s true of someone who is actively looking for America’s true history, what does it say of the rest of us?
In this context, it’s easy to see why an obscure law-school term such as “critical race theory” has become an all purpose shield for those who want no talk of race or racism in our schools. None at all. None whatsoever.
And just as easy to see why talk of reparations gain no traction with people who were born into the advantages of the upper or middle classes whether their hereditary comfort owed to slavery, Jim Crow, red-lining, the GI Bill, or anything else that belies our belief in a “level playing field.”
When Irving mentioned the pervasive image of Rosa Parks as a poor laborer whose refusal to move to the back of the bus was due only to sore feet, I laughed at what I thought was a joke. Anyone who has read anything about the Montgomery Bus Boycott knows that she was an activist selected by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for that role.
Irving laughed back and said, but that’s what we were taught. My memory kicked in. Yes, that’s what we were led to believe back when it happened and for years later until we started reading about it. As if we couldn’t admit that Black people could plan and act with thought and purpose. No joke at all.
By the time it went to Q&A, you’d have thought that the need to teach the history of America’s race relations was a given, but a woman opened the remarks complaining about children being forced into guilt and shame. Don’t know if she was the author of the letter to the City Council, but her frequent repetition of the words “agenda,” “forced” and “imposed”–as well as the obligatory “critical race theory”–made me think so.
Another woman pointed out that this was all discussion about what options teachers and parents might have, that attendance was not mandatory, that there were no children present, and–most pointedly–that there was no force or imposition.
That was as close to fireworks as the presentation came, as all other attendees were receptive to Irving’s talk. Critics can it an “agenda” or “critical race theory” all they want, but what we heard were useful suggestions.
In the denouement, she showed a chart, three concentric circles. Innermost was labelled “comfort” while outermost was “danger.” We all prefer to live in comfort, and we always avoid the danger of losing a job, losing friends, ruining our reputation. If we want to counter racism, we need to speak up when we hear it, and act in the zone between comfort and danger.
That mid-circle was “risk.” When we left, it was clear that all present are ready and willing to take it. To the contrary of the skeptics, the fact that all of us were White did not detract from the event or from the message we took from it.
It’s the low number of us that’s depressing. Trying to increase it will be the first risk we take.
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